Thursday, April 03, 2025

Catholic priest with ‘foot fetish’ had bag of school children’s socks in his house, court told

THE alleged victim of sexual abuse by a Catholic priest with a “foot fetish” has told the Royal Court he discovered a bag of children’s socks in the priest’s house.

Piotr Antoni Glas (61) pleaded with the complainant to let him explain himself and claimed he collected the socks from the changing rooms of a secondary school in Southampton where he worked as a priest before coming to Jersey, the court was told on Tuesday.

And the court heard the priest told the complainant if he admitted his offending, “I would be out of the priesthood the next day with a massive scandal”.

Mr Glas denies eight counts of committing acts of gross indecency and two counts of indecent assault against a child.

The complainant previously described how Mr Glas would lie with his face against the alleged victim’s feet, and the complainant would hear what sounded like a man masturbating.

The priest would freeze when the child looked at him, the court heard.

Mr Glas, known as Peter when his Polish name is Anglicised, is also accused of wrestling the child until his head was near his erect penis, and of kissing the child twice on the mouth.

Crown Advocate Carla Carvalho, prosecuting, described the alleged offences as “repeated” abuse committed by a parish priest on a child over 20 years ago, saying Mr Glas used his position to gain the complainant and their family’s trust “in order to get [the child] alone”.

The years of grooming included giving the family gifts as well as occasions where the priest and the child slept in the same bed, the court heard.

She said: “When he was alone with [the child] he would fulfil what the prosecution says is his particular sexual interest… a sexual fetish that you will hear involved feet.

“It is a sexual interest in feet that you will hear goes back years.”

Addressing jurors on Tuesday, the alleged victim said he found a bag of children’s socks at Mr Glas’s house.

The complainant said he was left “disgusted” for reasons he could not understand because he was still a child.

“Something in my gut told me that there was something untoward about it,” he said.

He described Mr Glas “pleading” with him to let him explain himself.

The complainant said: “He assured me that they were socks from his time in Southampton from a local secondary school… from the changing rooms that he had collected while he was working as a priest there.”

Advocate Carvalho asked: “Did he tell you why he collected the socks?”

The alleged victim replied: “He said he had a problem with feet and that that was something he’s struggled with for a long time.”

He explained that the priest had taken him to throw the bag of socks away, but that the child later returned to retrieve it as evidence.

“I never wanted it to be my word against his if I ever was to confront him,” the complainant said. “I knew that he would have a lot more influence than I did.”

He said he had mentioned his concerns to his parents at the time, but he was “quickly dismissed”. Meanwhile, the priest told him that he had been to confession, which he claimed had solved the issue. But the abuse continued, the court heard.

The alleged victim only came to terms with what had happened to him years later.

In court, he described a “crisis of conscience” which led him to start disclosing the abuse – first to his father, and later to authorities.

“I needed to start taking some steps towards making sure that the defendant was no longer a threat to minors,” he said.

He described how he had feared, both as a child and later on, that he would have no evidence and that the defendant would receive more support, due to his prominence as a self-proclaimed exorcist.

Advocate Carvalho said the complainant eventually confronted Mr Glas, who told him his heart was “broken” but tried to discourage him from reporting the abuse to church authorities, saying he still wanted to be buried as a priest.

Jurors listened to two calls the complainant made, in which he quizzed the priest about the bag of socks as well as the other incidents.

The priest explained that he had been beaten and kicked at the age of eight, which had provoked the foot fetish. 

But he resisted encouragements from the alleged victim to seek professional help or speak to church authorities.

The complainant told Mr Glas: “God does know. God does love you. But the same father who called you into existence, he also wants you to find healing.

“My concern is that you have never dealt with this and you have never actually talked to someone.”

During the second call, Mr Glas admitted: “I scandalised you, I hurt you, I damaged you…

“I understand how much you are suffering.”

He added: “I ruined you. That’s the worst part, I ruined you.”

The complainant told him that even though he accepted his apology and forgave him, he said he should not be a priest where he would have access to children.

“Please have mercy on me. I will step down from priesthood. I just don’t want an ordeal,” the priest said.

The complainant responded: “I just don’t want any other young person to experience what I experienced. That’s the bottom line.”

The priest said that there had been no-one else apart from the complainant and that he wanted to “be buried as a priest, not as a layperson”.

“I’m in your hands,” he added.

“If I say this, I would be out of priesthood the next day with a massive scandal,” Mr Glas said.

He said that he could stop being a priest when his term at his parish was up later that year, and that he would become “a hermit” then.

The jury trial is scheduled to continue until the middle of next week.

Deputy Bailiff, Robert MacRae, is presiding.

‘It's a slap in the face for survivors’ – Just one church body has made a serious cash offer towards mother and baby home redress scheme

The news that just one church body has made a serious cash offer towards the €800 million redress scheme for survivors of mother and baby homes has been branded a “slap in the face for survivors”.

Following two years of talks with seven Catholic bodies and the Church of Ireland, government negotiator, Sheila Nunan, has submitted her final report to Minister for Equality Norma Foley.

This report has revealed that only one out of seven Catholic Church bodies have made a serious cash offer towards the redress scheme for survivors, while the Church of Ireland has refused to contribute.

Initial government negotiations with religious orders began back in 2021, but fell flat, leading to the appointment of Ms Nunan in May 2023. 

She was tasked with securing a best and final offer from religious orders within six months.

But almost two years later and only one church body has made a serious cash offer.

Social Democrats spokesperson on children and equality and Kildare TD, Aidan Farrelly, said the religious orders must be "compelled” by the government to financially contribute to the redress scheme.

“It is astonishing to learn today that not one cent has been handed over by the religious orders complicit in the inhumane treatment and systematic abuse of innocent women and children in these institutions over the course of many decades,” said Deputy Farrelly.

“This is a further slap in the face for the tens of thousands of women and children who were incarcerated in mother and baby homes.

“On top of the suffering they endured, in recent years they have had to contend with a seriously flawed Commission of Investigation report and an inadequate redress scheme that excluded 24,000 survivors, including those who spent less than six months in a mother and baby home as a child.

“Clearly, the State’s softly-softly approach has not worked and, as always, the religious orders will need to be dragged kicking and screaming to the negotiating table."

Deputy Farrelly said that given their track record with previous redress schemes, it is clear that these religious orders "would much prefer to pay their armies of lawyers than the women and children they tortured and abused".

“We have had report after report documenting the crimes of the Church – not just in mother and baby homes, but in religious-run schools.

“When is the State finally going to flex some legal muscle when it comes to these religious orders?

“Why are these orders not being raided by Gardaí and why are their assets not being seized?,” he questioned.

Deputy Farrelly added that he believes the government are not willing to get tough with religious orders and they must go after them with “more than just a begging bowl”.

“The Taoiseach gave a disappointing response when questioned on this issue in the Dáil today by my party colleague Cian O’Callaghan. His commitment to merely review Sheila Nunan’s report does not inspire confidence that the government has any intention of getting tough on religious orders.

“Instead of being held accountable for its abuse of women and children, the Church has been running rings around successive governments for years. What will it take for the State to finally act and go after these orders with more than a begging bowl?”

Wednesday, April 02, 2025

The biggest danger for the German Catholic Church isn’t its abuse scandals

When it comes to the Catholic Church in Germany, right now the headlines are focusing on chilling abuse scandals.

Two landmark trials, for example, have begun at Cologne District Court, with victims of sexual abuse demanding nearly €1.7 million in damages from the Catholic Church.

One woman, reportedly raped repeatedly by her priest, who then forced her to have an abortion, is claiming €850,000. 

Another woman, allegedly abused around 200 times from age six by her altar group leader, is demanding €800,000.

And instead of directly targeting the perpetrators, both cases are targeting the Cologne Archdiocese for institutional failure.

The victims’ rage is wholly justified, as is any outrage at the chilling arrogance that the Church has shown over the years, with its blatant disregard for transparency and accountability on this issue .

But devastating as these scandals are, and should be, for the Catholic Church in Germany, I think it faces a quieter, but arguably far bigger danger, if you stop and take stock of everything else that is going on in Germany.

Last week, the German Bishops’ Conference and dioceses of the Catholic Church published their 2024 figures, all of which paint an extremely glum picture.

The administration of the sacraments declined significantly between 2023 and 2024, with 15,000 fewer baptisms, 5,000 fewer weddings and just 6.6 per cent of Catholics attending Holy Mass in Germany. The number of priestly ordinations was a paltry 29.

But the bad news doesn’t end there, as figures reveal that in 2024 more than 322,000 Catholics in the Federal Republic officially also ceased to be members of the Church.

As well as being a gut punch to its public image, on a financial level this will also hit the German Catholic Church hard, as it means a sudden drop in the amount of people paying Kirchensteuer – the church tax.

As in neighbouring Austria or Switzerland, those who officially leave the Church can stop paying the otherwise obligatory church tax that comes out of their salaries.

And this is really serious stuff, as the money accounts for over 70 per cent of Church revenue in most dioceses, making it overwhelmingly their largest and most distinctive source of income to their services, staff and welfare programmes.

With fewer funds, the Church will therefore be forced to downsize in all of these areas, resulting in a further reduction of its influence.

But another problem for the German Catholic Church is the Synodal Path – Germany’s big, bold reform project.

Earlier this year, German bishops proposed creating a permanent “national synodal council” to explore a range of tough questions.

These include everything from whether women should be ordained to whether celibacy should be required, along with whether same-sex couples should be blessed and whether the Church’s power should be shared with the laity.

The Vatican’s response has been thinly veiled panic at this supposed heresy in slow motion amongst the German Catholic Church.

Meanwhile, at ground level, ordinary German Catholics are now totally caught between competing visions of the Church.

One is still clinging to clerical control and doctrinal purity, but the other progressive camp is demanding the Catholic Church gets with the times and makes peace with modern life.

Almost 28 per cent of senior roles in German dioceses are now held by women. And in some dioceses, women are even sharing executive power with bishops.

While the issue of female ordination is firmly off the table, for now, it links to another elephant that is still definitely in the room.

For many young Catholics who’ve grown up in a world of gender equality and LGBTQ+ inclusion policies, not allowing the possibility of female priests seems a failure to embrace the world we are living in. 

This February, for example, Germany marked three years since the launch of #OutInChurch – a movement of queer Catholic employees publicly coming out and demanding change. Some German dioceses have started blessing same-sex couples.

Another colossal headache for the Catholic Church in Germany is Kirchliches Arbeitsrecht (ecclesiastical employment law) – a uniquely German headache, which basically allows German churches to bypass the country’s standard and strict labour laws.

Specifically, it means the Church can deny workers the right to strike, and means it can dismiss staff for personal choices like divorce or being in a same-sex relationship, and also limit union rights.

Whereas discrimination law would make such moves totally illegal for most employers in Germany today, it has meant that the German Church has long been able to protect its extremely wide network of institutions (schools, hospitals, charities and so forth) from scrutiny, as they operate outside usual labour laws.

Right now this is being fiercely opposed by the centrist Social Democratic Party (SDP), while the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and its Bavarian sister party the Christian Social Union (CSU) demand that it should be kept; this is one of several issues which is currently preventing the ideologically opposed parties from forming a working coalition government.

More complicated still is that Martin Nebeling, head of the Catholic Employers’ Association, made the shock move recently of not just defending Germany’s special Church employment law, but even launched an attack on modern Germany’s standard labour laws.

Specifically, he attacked the 11-hour rest rule between workdays: he slammed it as “outdated” and bad for business, claiming instead that the rest of Germany should implement flexible working schedules.

In Germany, labour law protections are extremely strong. Dismissals are highly regulated – and after six months, workers gain protection against unfair dismissal, and employers must even justify any termination with a valid reason.

Moreover, employees in Germany have to form a works-related council at any workplace which has at least five permanent employees; notice periods are longer, and fixed-term contracts are far more tightly controlled.

Given all the robust and widespread protection standard German labour law provides to workers, I can’t see how by sounding off at this, the German Catholic Employers’ Association hopes to win back hundreds of thousands which continue to flock from the Church. 

Especially when it simultaneously refuses to address how the Church’s special labour laws deny its own workers extremely basic rights, such as the right to strike.

What is also proving a wedge between German Catholics and their Church is a growing dilemma over environmental and climate issues, something traditionally very close to German hearts.

On the one hand, the German Catholic Church pays lip-service to its theological commitment to protecting natural creation, inspired by Pope Francis’s Laudato Si’. 

On the other hand, however, it has an extremely slow and often inconsistent practical response on the same issue.

Many German bishops tend to wax lyrical about sustainability, for example, but translating this into action has proved far more tricky.

Germany’s Catholic Church is shrouded in multiple layers of institutional secrecy, and the lack of a clear national governing structure means determining the exact amount of land it owns is fiendishly hard to establish.

There is extremely limited public disclosure and the fragmented nature of the Church’s decentralised administration makes all this even worse.

However, it is at least thought that the Church owns vast estates.

And over the years the assets of certain individual dioceses and archdioceses have also come to light – and it has been shocking.

In 2013, for example, the Diocese of Limburg faced scrutiny when Bishop Franz-Peter Tebartz-van Elst was removed for spending a startling €31 million on a luxurious residence.

And in 2015, the Archdiocese of Cologne disclosed that its assets totalled €3.35 billion ($3.82 billion), surpassing the Vatican’s reported wealth at that time.

It also revealed that an incredible €646 million of this was held in tangible assets – primarily property.

But the problem is not necessarily that the German Catholic Church owns a massive amount of land or property – although of course it is at the very least an awkward fact given that many major cities, including the capital, Berlin, are currently experiencing a housing shortage.

The real problem is that even though the Catholic Church is one of the country’s largest landholders, there is no transparent or binding national strategy for how this land is used or managed in ecological terms.

This means that old, inefficient buildings remain carbon-heavy, thousands of hectares of forests are neither protected or re-wilded, and valuable urban land is often left underused.

Furthermore, while other German institutions face increasing pressure to divest from polluting assets and reduce emissions, the Church’s decentralised structure shields it from both scrutiny and accountability.

Unlike a company or government body, the Catholic Church in Germany isn’t a single legal entity, rather is made up of independent dioceses, each with its own legal status under German public law.

This means thousands of parishes, religious orders and affiliated charities are also completely legally distinct.

In the same way, Catholic schools, hospitals, banks and welfare organisations (like Caritas), all operate within their own structure and leadership.

And instead of having a clear sense of leadership – and which might also be challenged and held to account – the German Catholic Church ends up operating as a baffling patchwork of elements, each operating on a shoulder-shrugging, “not-me-guv”-type basis, as each of the individual elements in the puzzle can simple claim “I’m not responsible for that”.

This extremely fractured administrative structure, as opposed to a unified national body, is definitely not a new concept for German society.

Unlike in the UK, where a centralised structure and national systems are commonplace, Germany is staunchly decentralised.

Each of the country’s 16 federal states, for example, sets its own school curricula, funds its own universities, maintains a separate police force and has healthcare managed through regionally based insurance funds, unlike the UK’s centralised National Health Service.

Germans take this extremely seriously and don’t like excuses, especially when it comes to the environment.

The country derives over 50 per cent of its electricity from renewable sources, with wind and solar leading the way, and as of 2024, around 29 per cent of its electricity came from wind alone.

Meanwhile, the country has over 2 million solar power installations and more than 20,000 onshore wind turbines, while cities like Freiburg are internationally recognised for sustainable urban design.

Germany also has one of the highest recycling rates in the world, consistently above 65 per cent, and unlike in the UK, the Green Party has formed part of the government and led several key ministries, including not just Climate, but also Foreign Affairs.

Given all of this, the German Catholic Church needs to get serious and act seriously on the environment if it wishes to stay popular.

But with many many dioceses lacking transparent climate policies, still investing in fossil fuels and with their vast land holdings being held without clear sustainability goals – as things stand, things do not look promising.

Even if there was a huge push for the German Church to embrace environmental policies, with no national body in assistance, it is unclear how individual dioceses could be enforced to maintain environmental standards, or how coordinating large-scale change across the Church could be attempted given that each diocese can simply ignore or delay action.

So, given all the above – and as you can see, there is a lot – away from the cataclysmic news coverage of these horrific child abuse scandals in the German Catholic Church, there remains something equally as dangerous for its existence.

And what that is, in essence, is those hundreds of thousands of Catholic Germans who right now are not giving explosive interviews to the press, are not putting up a fight with the secretive and Kafkaesque Church administrations – in fact, its those German Catholics who are not making a fuss at all.

No, they are doing something far, far more deadly for the Church in Germany.

They are simply taking a quiet walk to the local registry office to formally end their official membership of the Catholic Church.

Those that do stay may be doing so out of faith, or out of habit, or perhaps simply out of hope that things might change.

But the harsh reality remains that the German Catholic Church is no longer just facing an abuse crisis, it is very much mired in the midst of a larger crisis.

And unless it finds a way to connect belief with reality, tradition with credibility, and hierarchy with accountability, it won’t just lose members, it may even lose relevance for German society altogether.

Judge disregarded bankruptcy trustee’s recommendation and punished New Orleans clergy abuse survivors

A federal judge used the findings of a US justice department investigation to justify expelling clergy molestation survivors from a committee trying to negotiate settlements with the bankrupt New Orleans Catholic archdiocese after their lawyer tipped off a high school that its chaplain was an admitted child molester.

But now, for the first time, having obtained a long-sealed report on the matter, the Guardian and reporting partner WWL Louisiana can reveal that the judge, Meredith Grabill, made that decision even after the justice department’s bankruptcy trustee specifically said the lawyer’s clients should not be punished – though the trustee believed the attorney had violated a confidentiality order in trying to protect children from an abuser.

The lawyer, Richard Trahant, has always denied violating the secrecy orders governing the New Orleans archdiocese’s bankruptcy, one of the most contentious of the 40 such cases filed by Catholic institutions across the US amid the worldwide church’s ongoing reckoning with its history of clergy abuse. 

He is still appealing a $400,000 fine that Grabill handed him.

Meanwhile, three years since that ruling from Grabill, a settlement in the bankruptcy hasn’t been reached, leaving unresolved a case first filed in May 2020 as the archdiocese sought to limit its liability from hundreds of claims of clergy abuse, mostly involving the victimization of children and spanning several decades. 

The archdiocese has racked up well over $40m in legal fees. 

It is selling off real estate. And it is preparing to nix its newspaper’s print edition beginning in July.

 Court records also show how a then bankruptcy judge in Houston, David Jones, spoke with Grabill about the sanctions against Trahant as well as his clients before she imposed them. 

Jones then used Trahant’s clients’ removals in New Orleans as a legal basis to expel a member of a creditors’ committee during a separate bankruptcy case in his court in Texas.

Jones has since admitted having an affair with an attorney in that case, whose client was a business competitor to the committee member ousted by Jones. Jones has resigned and is now the subject of an FBI corruption investigation.

Precisely how Grabill arrived at what is widely viewed as one of the most consequential rulings in the New Orleans archdiocese’s tortuous bankruptcy case has been among the proceeding’s most elusive secrets. 

To get the most complete glimpse yet of those circumstances, the Guardian and WWL Louisiana used a public records request to obtain the report that Grabill commissioned from the US trustee’s office – which assists in administering bankruptcy cases – before punishing Trahant and his clients.

Grabill had sealed the 41-page document, along with corresponding exhibits. Yet they all became part of the case file compiled by New Orleans state prosecutors in their aggravated rape and kidnapping case against Lawrence Hecker, a self-admitted child molester and retired local archdiocesan priest.

Hecker pleaded guilty as charged in December and died days into serving a mandatory life sentence, making archdiocesan records obtained during his prosecution available under Louisiana’s public records law.

Essentially, the report determined that Trahant violated Grabill’s secrecy order simply by making reference to the name and position of the abusive chaplain – Paul Hart – while communicating with the principal of Brother Martin high school, where the clergyman worked. 

Brother Martin’s principal, Ryan Gallagher, happened to be a cousin of Trahant.

The report also asserted that Trahant violated the secrecy order by telling a journalist – then with New Orleans’ Times-Picayune newspaper but now at the Guardian – to keep Hart on his “radar”.

But the report found it was actually the church itself that informed Brother Martin about the particulars of Hart’s abusive past after Trahant mentioned his name to both Gallagher and the journalist. 

Hart was forced to retire and leave the school, although the archdiocese publicly blamed his departure on his poor health.

The trustee’s investigation report said it could not determine exactly who may have assisted the journalist with an article he later published about how Hart’s abusive past compelled him to retire. 

Investigators came to that realization partly because the archdiocese declined to cooperate with efforts to determine everyone on the church’s side who had access to the information in the newspaper piece.

All the report could really conclude was that it wasn’t Trahant.

Trahant has maintained that he was careful only to share information about Hart that was publicly available – his name and job, for instance – because the secrecy order enabled him to do that. 

He points to a provision of the order which reads “information that is in the public domain at the time of disclosure … shall not be governed by [the] protective order”.

Nonetheless, after the attorney testified that he knew his prior work representing clergy molestation survivors meant Gallagher and the journalist would infer Hart was an abuser simply from his mentioning the priest’s name out of the blue, Grabill sanctioned Trahant and his clients, claiming she was protecting the “functioning of the committee”.

Asked to review the episode and comment on it as a knowledgable outside observer, Leslie Griffin, a University of Nevada, Las Vegas law professor, said it appeared to her as if Grabill’s handling of the matter signaled that “bankruptcy means the archdiocese can talk about whatever it wants while the survivors” or their advocates “must be silent”.

“Both Trahant and the archdiocese [acted] on the confidential information … to ensure that Paul Hart could not harm anyone else,” Griffin said. “To an outsider, it looks like Trahant and [the archdiocese] were treated differently for doing the same thing, namely using the court’s information in trying to protect minors from a known abuser.

“It looks like a system that could be more protective of the abusers than of the abused. And the reasons for that are not clear.”

Neither Grabill nor Trahant – nor his clients James Adams, Jackie Berthelot, Theodore Jackson and Eric Johnson – immediately responded to requests for comment. 

Hart has since died.

‘Completely disgusted’

The complicated legal saga in some ways centering on Hart began with the decision of the New Orleans archbishop, Gregory Aymond, to station him at Brother Martin beginning in 2017. 

Aymond made that decision even after Hart, in about 2012, had admitted to the archbishop that he kissed, groped and engaged in “dry sex” – simulated intercourse while clothed – in the early 1990s with a 17-year-old girl who belonged to a youth group run out of Hart’s church at the time.

Aymond, though, declined to substantially punish Hart because church, or canon, law in effect at the beginning of the 1990s considered 16 the age of consent. US bishops adopted a policy making 18 the age of consent in 2002 – after the abuse happened but before Hart’s admitted behavior.

In late 2021, through his work representing people whose clergy abuse claims were tied up in the New Orleans archdiocese’s bankruptcy, Trahant learned some of those facts. 

The archdiocese had never disclosed Hart’s history. 

And because of that, on New Year’s Eve 2021, Trahant sent Gallagher a text message reading: “Is Paul Hart still the chaplain at BM?”

Gallagher wrote back, “Yes.” Trahant said, “You and I need to get together soon,” prompting Gallagher to reply: “Shit.

“That’s … ominous coming from you.”

Things developed quickly in the days that followed, according to the US trustee investigation. Trahant told members of the committee to which his clients belonged that there was a “pressing situation” with respect to Hart but did not elaborate. 

Trahant did not represent the committee itself, but the lawyers that did told the archdiocese that they understood Hart to be “a danger to children based on information” in personnel files produced to the body. 

They demanded the archdiocese remove Hart as soon as possible.

In the meantime, by 5 January 2022, Aymond had gotten on the phone with the president of Brother Martin’s governing board, David Gallo, as well as the director of schools for the religious order in charge of the campus, John Devlin. 

Saying he was concerned for the person whom the priest admitted abusing, Aymond indicated “the information concerning Hart should not have been released … and sought to find out the source”, the US trustee report said, citing sealed testimony taken later from Gallo and Devlin.

Gallo subsequently recalled that Aymond “provided … specific details of the abuse allegations: that the allegations against Hart involved a ‘legal adult’ under canon law applicable at the time”, the report stated. 

As Devlin recalled, Aymond characterized Hart’s behavior as “a boundary violation”.

Hart at the time had been diagnosed with brain cancer. But he planned to be back on campus before the end of that month, as Brother Martin understood it, according to what Gallagher said during a conversation following up on his initial text exchange with Trahant.

And, despite Aymond’s assurances that nothing criminal occurred, Brother Martin officials agreed that “they would never have accepted [Hart] as chaplain” if they had previously known about any “boundary violation or inappropriate behavior” by him, according to the report. 

Devlin reportedly testified that the school “agreed to start the process to request that Hart no longer continue as chaplain”.

Hart offered in writing to remove himself as Brother Martin’s chaplain “temporarily, until the matter in question has been resolved”, just one day after the conversations Devlin and Gallo recalled having with Aymond. 

Aymond evidently waited one week – until 13 January 2022 – to answer Hart’s offer in writing, saying the priest would instead be retiring and therefore would be permanently “relieved” from his role as Brother Martin’s chaplain.

School officials at the time were insisting Aymond provide them something in writing showing the archbishop had removed Hart from Brother Martin. 

A community notice issued to Brother Martin said that the school had not learned of Hart’s removal until 13 January.

But the date on Aymond’s letter is 10 January 2022, creating the impression that Aymond had actually written it days earlier.

A survivors committee attorney, Omer “Rick” Kuebel, eventually testified that the metadata on the letter – its digital timestamp – established that the document was not created until the 13th, according to a deposition transcript obtained through a public records request pertaining to the Hecker case.

A US trustee investigator later asked Aymond, under oath, whether he wrote the letter on 10 January 2022. “Correct,” Aymond said, according to a deposition transcript. “Yes, sir.” 

The investigator did not ask Aymond about the metadata discrepancy.

The archbishop later adjusted his testimony to say the letter may have been dictated on the 10th though not sent that same day. He said the decision to remove Hart “was made already … so it would not have made any difference”.

Similarly, while still under oath, Aymond denied that either he or anyone at the archdiocese provided Brother Martin officials confidential details about Hart. 

That strongly contradicted testimony from multiple Brother Martin officials who were cited in the US trustee’s report as saying that they learned the particulars of Hart’s past from the archbishop’s side.

But Aymond was not confronted about that discrepancy during his testimony, according to the transcript of his deposition.

Asked for comment about his testimony, Aymond said in a statement recently: “Very simply, I accepted Paul Hart’s retirement while I was out of town on retreat and finalized it upon my return to the office.”

He also said: “I am a man of integrity and have dedicated my life to ministry in service to the people of God. These past years navigating the bankruptcy proceedings have been challenging and made even more difficult by constant attacks and insinuated accusations that are deliberate attempts to discredit me and undermine the archdiocese of New Orleans in our bankruptcy.

“I have instructed our team to bring the bankruptcy proceedings to a just and equitable conclusion for the good of all, especially the survivors.”

The statement did not address his and Brother Martin officials’ conflicting testimony about the archdiocese having disclosed the details of Hart’s misconduct.

Regardless of the timing of the archbishop’s letter to Hart, in early 2022 the archdiocese told the journalist who wrote of the Brother Martin chaplain’s retirement that he had stopped working to focus on his fight with cancer. 

The letter the school sent to its campus community was starkly different. It made no mention of Hart’s health and said his removal came at Brother Martin’s request after the school learned of “an issue from [his] distant past that could preclude his being able to serve as chaplain”.

Hart died at age 70 in October of that year.

Gallagher at one point texted Trahant to thank him for putting Brother Martin “in a better position … to weather this”. 

Gallagher added that the entire affair had left him “completely disgusted”.

The archdiocese was displeased, too. Its attorneys filed documents with Grabill alleging “serious breaches of the protective order from the disclosure of the Hart information”, prompting the judge to task the US trustee with investigating the matter.

‘Overly burdensome’

Beside sorting out exactly how Brother Martin learned of Hart’s past misconduct, a major focus of the investigation was to determine who may have leaked the information reported in the Times-Picayune on 18 January 2022.

Investigators determined that Trahant, Adams and other people on their side had access to the Hart information. But they all denied providing the journalist the information he reported.

The US trustee’s report acknowledged it could not defeat those denials. 

And, in fact, the report said there was evidence supporting Trahant’s denials of being the journalist’s source.

Notably, though Trahant had first received a portion of Hart’s files with minimal details more than two weeks before the article’s publication, he had not gotten the full set of documents on the priest until a few hours before the story’s release, the report said. 

After declining to comment to the journalist who wrote the article, Trahant asked a colleague to send him Hart’s entire personnel file roughly three hours before the piece was published.

The article “was clearly well advanced by this time”, the US trustee’s report said. Several hours earlier, the journalist had already asked the archdiocese for comment about Hart’s misconduct and retirement, making it “difficult to see how [Trahant] could have been the source” for that information, the report said.

Meanwhile, investigators’ efforts to identify the source of the article’s information were frustrated in part by the archdiocese’s refusal to make available every person on its side who over the years may have known about Hart. 

Attorneys and various employees at the archdiocese who had access to Hart’s information did submit denials of having provided assistance to the journalist.

But the church said it was “impractical and overly burdensome” to supply statements from members of a board that advised Aymond as he weighed what to do in response to the misconduct confessed by Hart.

A US trustee investigator questioned the journalist, who – adhering to the ethics of his profession – declined to reveal his sources or methods.

‘Disruption’

Ultimately, the US trustee concluded it “cannot determine who provided … the information” about Hart reported by the Times-Picayune.

Despite that, the office said it was confident Trahant had done enough to have “violated the terms of the protective order”. But members of the committee are “not responsible for these violations”, the US trustee’s report said.

Trahant’s “actions cannot be imputed to the committee”, the US trustee wrote in its report, issued under a court seal on Friday, 3 June 2022. 

“To the extent the court believes further relief may be appropriate under the circumstances, such relief should be considered in further proceedings in open court so that the court may hear and consider all relevant evidence.”

Grabill held no such proceeding. On the following Tuesday, the second business day after the US trustee report was issued, she ruled that Trahant deserved punishment over “disclosure of confidential information”. 

The judge later fined Trahant $400,000.

She also expelled Adams, Berthelot, Jackson and Johnson from their roles on the committee. Grabill maintained that she was “forced to impute Trahant’s actions to those of his clients” in order “to protect against disruption of the bankruptcy process”.

That morning, Adams – who had been the chairperson of the committee – and his three ousted colleagues had been prepared to read statements to Aymond about having endured clergy abuse as part of bankruptcy settlement negotiations. But that meeting was canceled because of Grabill’s ruling.

Trahant and his clients appealed.

Multiple legal commentators – among them some who insisted on speaking privately for fear of ending up in court in front of Grabill – have told the Guardian and WWL that such severe punishments for Trahant and his clients were highly unusual, especially because the end result was a self-acknowledged abuser’s ejection from a high school campus.

But federal district judges have left the sanctions in place. 

Trahant’s clients’ appeal – arguing that their removals were unlawful – was shot down by the federal fifth circuit court in May.

In that same court, Trahant’s appeal remained pending as of the publication of this article. 

Among his main arguments is that Grabill – at the suggestion of the archdiocese – had already made up her mind to heavily fine him and punish those associated with him before she had even ordered the Hart-related US trustee investigation.

Another of Trahant’s arguments: while those who conducted the investigation knew what Grabill wanted, they still would not endorse what the judge at one point described as “the nuclear option”, which was booting Trahant’s clients from the survivors’ committee.

Trahant has also noted that Grabill, along with other judges who have upheld her decisions, have repeatedly charged him with “willfully” violating her protective order. 

But, Trahant has said in court, the US trustee report does not use that adverb in describing his actions concerning Hart. 

And at one point, before fining him, Grabill told Trahant in court, “It became clear that you didn’t think that you had violated the [secrecy] order,” according to a transcript.

There has been one other prominent endorsement of the sanctions: from the resigned bankruptcy judge Jones.

At one point before the removals of Trahant’s clients, an archdiocesan attorney remarked in court that Grabill had spoken with Jones about what to do over the controversy. 

Grabill did not dispute the church lawyer’s statement.

Then, in his courtroom in March 2023, Jones brought up Grabill’s sanctions himself. He said they were “actually pretty thoughtful”. 

And then he held them up as a useful precedent to justify his granting a request from a bankrupt pharmaceutical firm, Sorrento, to remove one of the company’s competitors from participating in a creditors committee in that case.

The FBI later launched an investigation into whether Jones was fairly administering bankruptcy cases after a lawsuit revealed his sexual relationship with an attorney who had represented Sorrento in his courtroom.

Jones had not been charged as of this article’s publication. 

But he ultimately resigned in late October 2023, less than three months after he traveled to New Orleans and was the guest of honor at a continuing legal education seminar hosted by Grabill.

SNAP complaint against top cardinal involves priest defrocked for sexual misconduct

A victims’ advocacy group has made a complaint against a top-ranking cardinal based in part on a case packaged and brought forward by an ex-priest defrocked over charges of sexual misconduct.

The former priest in question, Ricardo Coronado, has been accused of holding a long-standing grudge against the cardinal, American Robert Prevost, currently the prefect of the Vatican’s Dicastery for Bishops, and who also has ties to the Sodalitium Christiane Vitae (SCV), a Peruvian society of apostolic life recently suppressed by Pope Francis.

The advocacy group has said it stands by their claims, insisting that the interests of the victim should not be sidelined by whatever backstory there might be, however, in comments to Crux Prevost’s office disputed the assertions made in their complaint.

Coronado himself has denied the charges underlying his December 2024 laicization, saying through a lawyer there was “no crime.”

On March 25, the Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests (SNAP) delivered complaints against six cardinals to Vatican Secretary of State Italian Cardinal Pietro Parolin under Pope Francis’s 2023 norm Vos estis lux mundi, accusing the cardinals of coverup and mishandling abuse cases.

One of those cardinals is Prevost, whom SNAP accused on the basis of two cases. 

One involves claims of endangerment of children over the placing of a priest accused of abuse and removed from ministry by the Archdiocese of Chiclayo, at a friary located near a school, during the time when Prevost was the provincial superior.

Prevost served as Prior General of the Augustinian order from 2001-2013, before being appointed to Chicago in 2014. He was named prefect of the Dicastery for Bishops by Pope Francis in January 2023.

An Augustinian from Chicago told Crux on background that the archdiocese had asked the order for permission for Father James Ray to be placed in that house after being removed from ministry because its superior was a licensed counselor who served as supervisor of a safety plan imposed on Ray, and therefore Ray would be under a more watchful eye.

The Augustinian said the location of a school two blocks away was not considered a risk at the time, given that a safety plan was in place, and the criteria of not placing accused priests near schools was a product of the 2002 Dallas Charter, which had not yet been issued when the decision on Ray was made.

This decision, they said, was an agreement between the archdiocese and the superior of the friary, but which Prevost had to formally sign off on, since it was an Augustinian community house.

The second case involves allegations from three women claiming to have experienced sexually inappropriate conduct on the part of two priests in the Diocese of Chiclayo in Peru prior to Prevost’s arrival, but who made their complaint to the diocese in 2022, during his tenure.

Among other things, these women allege that after coming forward, Prevost failed to open a preliminary investigation and did not inform civil authorities about their complaints. They later filed a civil complaint.

The Diocese of Chiclayo has denied these accusations, issuing a 10-point statement Sept. 10, 2023, saying Prevost had launched an inquiry, had prohibited the priest from ministry, and had sent the results of the investigation to the Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith (DDF) in Rome.

The DDF and civil authorities ultimately opted to close the case in 2023, with civil authorities citing a statute of limitations and DDF a lack of evidence, but it was later reopened by the apostolic administrator of Chiclayo, who took over leadership when Prevost left, when one of the victims went public with her complaint. 

The case is still pending in the DDF.

Last year a Vatican official told Crux on background that, “the matter was examined, and Prevost was not found to have covered up. He acted in accordance with the regulations in force at the time.”

The bulk of SNAP’s allegations against Prevost are based on the assertions of the Chiclayo victims, who were represented by Coronado, a former Augustinian, from May to August 2024, when he was barred by the Peruvian bishops from practicing canon law due to allegations of sexual misconduct.

Coronado publicized his defrocking himself on his Facebook page just before Christmas, stating that he had been forcibly expelled from the priesthood. 

Though he didn’t explain why, he was accused last year of an unspecified “crime against the sixth commandment” by his Diocese of Cajamarca in Peru.

In Catholic legal jargon, a “crime against the sixth commandment” implies some form of sexual misconduct.

Coronado, a former Augustinian, said he was also barred in the same decree from acting as a lawyer, asserting that the aim was to “shield some very eminent prelates.” 

In a subsequent Facebook post, Coronado said, “please, do not consider the dismissal promoted by a cardinal who covered up is a matter of disgrace. It is a distinction. I feel very honored.”

The references were taken by most observers as alluding to Prevost, with whom Coronado is said to have political and personal differences dating back to Coronado’s own time in the Augustinians.

Various observers familiar with both men say Coronado harbored resentment against Prevost in the past, in part over the growth of liberation theology in Peru and Coronado’s belief that the Augustinian order had become too progressive, accusing Prevost of being part of a progressive camp that needed to be reformed.

Three individuals with firsthand knowledge of Coronado dating back to the early 1990s, when he led the Augustinian formation house in Lurín, Peru, told Crux about his personal resentment of Prevost and his historic ties to the SCV, as well as what they said was rampant sexual misconduct on the part of Coronado.

Each of the men spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals from Coronado.

“He [Coronado] despised Prevost very, very strongly, because he said that Prevost embodied progressivism in the Church, and this is modernism and such. There was always a lot of attention against Prevost, [Coronado] openly despised him,” one of the men said.

Two of the individuals who were in formation under Coronado recounted an extremely competitive attitude with regard to the formation house in Trujillo, which at the time was led by Prevost.

Coronado, the men said, saw Prevost and the Trujillo house as overly progressive, calling the seminarians there “homosexuals.”

These two individuals described a formation house environment under Coronado as being dominated by strict rules, favoritism, and constant sexual innuendo, with Coronado doling out humiliating punishments and normalizing sexual connotations such as nudity and dirty jokes. 

They alleged a pattern of sexually inappropriate and aggressive behavior by Coronado, directed towards adult seminarians under his supervision.

A separate individual who was not in the formation house with Coronado, but who visited often and observed the same behaviors, said he had contact with Coronado some 20 years later, and that Coronado’s conduct had not changed.

One individual who was in formation under Coronado also underscored his links with the now-suppressed SCV, saying he was personal friends of many members, and that while he led the Lurín formation house, for at least a year he went monthly to serve as a confessor at the SCV formation house in San Bartolo, where various alleged physical abuses occurred, reportedly with the approval of the SCV’s founder, Luis Fernando Figari.

Coronado wanted to turn the Lurín house into “another San Bartolo,” he said.

The other individual who was in formation with Coronado voiced his belief that Coronado’s decision to accuse Prevost publicly of coverup is likely due to the presumption that Prevost had acted against a prominent SCV archbishop, who was ousted from leadership as part of the Vatican’s investigation of the group, which was conducted by a Special Mission assigned by the pope, and composed of two officials of the DDF.

No mention had been made of Prevost until Coronado stepped in as the women’s lawyer, he said, saying, “The victims are not accusing Prevost, they are asking for help. The way of smearing, dirtying Prevost,” is something that came from Coronado, he said.

Coronado has filed multiple lawsuits against individuals he has accused of defamation, including one for remarks made during a group sharing session as part of an internal healing process. He has also sued Bishop James Golka of Colorado Springs.

After leaving the Augustinians in 2001, following complaints to his superiors about his conduct, Coronado received permission from Bishop Michael Sheridan in Colorado Springs to come work as a canonist, serving there as judicial vicar for nearly 20 years.

He left this post in 2022, apparently over differences with Golka, but with the understanding that he was still a priest in good standing and could thus celebrate the sacraments while visiting.

However, last year Coronado filed a lawsuit against Golka and his former vicar general, Monsignor Robert Jaeger, for allegedly breaking a memorandum of understanding in which the parties had agreed not to go public, after Jaeger issued a June 2023 statement saying he had been made aware of “certain allegations” regarding Coronado’s conduct, and that Coronado was no longer a priest in good standing.

That lawsuit was subsequently dismissed by the District Court of El Paso County. Coronado has appealed that decision.

A spokesperson for the Diocese of Colorado Springs declined a Crux request for comment, citing ongoing litigation.

Coronado declined a Crux interview request for this article, however, his canonical lawyer, Lucia Musso, said they were both “surprised by the decision to remove him from the clerical state because there was no evidence of a crime.”

“The decision signed by the Holy Father cannot be modified and my client does not consider it appropriate to make any kind of statement,” Musso said, saying Coronado is preparing a book that will offer a “detailed account of the events in which he was involved, and until it is published there will be no further statements.”

In comments to Crux, SNAP stood by their complaint against Prevost, insisting on the claim that he never informed civil authorities about the women’s complaint, despite a provision in the Vatican’s Vademecum that this ought to be done “Even in cases where there is no explicit legal obligation to do so.”

They also take issue with the assertion from the women that they were not offered spiritual or psychological assistance, as required by the pope’s 2019 legislation, Vos estis lux mundi.

“Prevost is no ordinary bishop. He is now leading one of the Vatican’s most powerful dicasteries – a dicastery that is charged with overseeing investigations of bishops under Vos estis lux mundi,” and he therefore comes under greater scrutiny, they said, calling his actions into question.

Regarding the defrocking of Coronado and the assertion of a personal grudge against Prevost, SNAP said, “What matters are the underlying facts of the case, and the motivations of the canonist are irrelevant.”

“This changes the subject from Prevost’s conduct in response to the victims’ testimony…to allegations of internal conflict between clergy. It’s unthinkable that on top of everything else they have endured, victims are being placed in this position, all while needing to find a new canonist,” they said.

Crux contacted Prevost’s office in Rome for comment, and was told that SNAP’s assertion that he had not offered the women psychological assistance was false.

They said Prevost put the women in touch with the diocesan listening center, which offered them psychological assistance, and that one of the women “did take advantage of those services.”

Regarding the assertion that Prevost did not contact civil authorities, Prevost’s office said he spoke with the diocesan lawyer after the women came forward, and was advised that the case would not be investigated civilly “because of the statute of limitations.”

Prevost’s office said he advised the women to make a civil complaint if they believed it would help, “which two of them did, but in fact the cases were closed because so much time had passed since the time of the alleged offenses.”

Gardaí probe safeguarding issues following complaint about fundamentalist Catholic group

A Garda complaint has been made about a fundamentalist Catholic group based in Cork, which has allowed a defrocked priest to say mass despite alleged safeguard breaches.

The Society of St Pius Resistance, a splinter group of the controversial SSPX which was founded in 1970 by a former bishop who clashed with the Vatican over reforms, has operated from a farmhouse in Drinagh, Co Cork.

Gardaí have confirmed that enquiries into the group are ongoing on foot of a complaint which alleges safeguarding breaches in relation to the defrocked priest. 

It is understood that at least one safeguarding organisation has also referred the matter to Tusla.

The defrocked priest is not currently in Ireland.

The group has held masses in Derry, where local bishop Donal McKeown, in a bulletin sent to all churches this weekend, warned congregations: "The priests of SSPX Resistance Ireland are not in full communion with the Catholic Church and do not accept the full teaching authority of the Church.

He said they "administer sacraments, but do so illicitly — without the necessary faculties and approval of the church".

He also warned congregations that because the group is outside the Catholic Church, it does not fall under safeguarding oversight.

The letter asked church-goers "to remain steadfast in communion with the church, united with the Holy Father and the bishops who share in full communion with them".

Bishop Giacomo Ballini, who runs the SSPX branch in Ireland, was heavily criticised by the Archbishop of Perth Timothy Costello after saying a mass in the city with a priest who had been removed from his position by the diocese.

In a statement in October, Bishop Costelloe wrote:

"One of the four bishops ordained by Archbishop Lefebvre in 1988, Bishop Richard Williamson, was expelled from SSPX in October 2012. Bishop Richard Williamson then established a new group known as the SSPX Resistance.

Between 2015 and 2022 Bishop Richard Williamson has ordained four priests as bishops, one of whom is an Italian priest, Giacomo Ballini. Bishop Williamson did not have a pontifical mandate to consecrate any of these priests to the episcopate.

"In accord with canon 1387 of the Code of Canon Law, Bishop Williamson and Bishop Ballini incurred automatically the penalty of excommunication, as did the other three bishops. As Bishop Ballini incurred the penalty of excommunication, he is prohibited by canon from “celebrating the Sacrifice of the Eucharist and the other sacraments” and “from receiving the sacraments”. 

Accordingly, Bishop Ballini is no longer in communion with the Pope and the other Bishops."

In 2022, the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism identified the SSPX Resistance as one of 12 "hateful and extremist groups in Ireland", particularly focusing on its "conspiracy" and "antisemitism".

In 2021, the Irish Examiner revealed that Mr Ballini had said a mass in Dublin's Herbert Park in defiance of Covid restrictions which was followed by "an exorcism" of Leinster House.

It is understood that a charity linked to the group has been under investigation for some time, but the Charities Regulator confirmed that the church itself has no charitable status.

‘Justice has been served’: Former Terenure College rugby coach John McClean convicted of abusing another four teenagers

Former rugby coach John McClean, who is serving a prison sentence for sexually abusing dozens of boys, has been convicted of abusing four other teenagers.

McClean, who taught at Terenure College, is serving a global sentence of 10½ years for his offending against 45 boys, all of whom were students at the Dublin secondary school.

McClean (80), formerly of Casimir Avenue, Harold’s Cross, pleaded guilty at Dublin Circuit Criminal Court to seven counts of indecently assaulting four boys between 1973 and 1990 at Terenure College. 

These men wish to retain their anonymity, but are happy for McClean to be named.

Det Sgt Charlie Dempsey told Paul Murray SC, prosecuting, that these four complainants contacted gardaí following press coverage of McClean’s other convictions.

McClean taught at Terenure College between 1966 and 1996, becoming first year form master in 1980. He was also a rugby coach, and had the nickname of ‘Doc’, because students would often go to him if they had an injury.

McClean was on Wednesday handed a two-year sentence, which will run consecutively to an 11 year sentence, with the final three years suspended, imposed in 2021 for the sexual abuse of 22 teenage boys.

In 2023, McClean received a consecutive four-year sentence in relation to a further 23 complainants. This sentence was appealed to the Court of Appeal, which reduced it to 2½ years.

This meant that McClean was serving an overall sentence of 10½ years in respect of his offending against the 45 victims.

McClean, who appeared in court via video-link from Midlands Prison, will not spend any extra time in custody in respect of his offending against the four most recent complainants.

Sean Guerin SC, for McClean, submitted that the Court of Appeal’s ruling outlined an assessment of a global sentence range to reflect his client’s offending, taking into account the principles of totality and proportionality.

He suggested a concurrent sentence could be imposed as punishment in relation to these four complainants, as McClean’s offending in these cases falls within the spectrum of his other offending and occurred in the same time period.

One of the four men told gardaí he believed McClean preyed on him opportunistically. He said McClean abused his position, was a good teacher and coach, but also a “very nasty piece of work”.

Another of the men read his victim impact statement to the court. He said he felt a sense of relief and that a “weight of shame” had been lifted from him. He said he had carried feelings of shame and anger towards himself for too long.

He outlined the impact on his education, noting he was “robbed of self-worth by a representative of an institution that should have protected me”. 

He said he is beginning to feel at peace with the support of his family, and can move on as “justice has been served”.

Two further victim impact statements were handed into court, but not read aloud.

Det Sgt Dempsey agreed with Mr Guerin that the offending in this case was on the same spectrum as McClean’s previous crimes and occurred around the same time.

The court heard McClean has a number of health issues including cancer and cardiac difficulties. A number of medical reports, several references and other materials were handed into court.

Mr Guerin said his client is apologetic and has accepted responsibility for his offending.

Judge Martin Nolan said McClean was in a position of trust and “took advantage of his position to molest and sexually assault these particular pupils”.

He said that McClean had pleaded guilty on previous occasions to other sexual offending and the Court of Appeal had indicated an appropriate sentencing range of 8½ to 10 ½ years for his “global misbehaviour” against all of the boys.

He said the Court of Appeal had “said to this court, and any court in future that we can’t go beyond that 10½ year sentence”.

He said the court was “constrained by that direction”, which it respected. The judge said the court was grateful to the four complainants for coming forward and commended the gardaí for their investigation.

Church of England launches review into disgraced priest David Tudor

A review of how the case of the disgraced priest David Tudor was handled has been launched, the Church of England says.

Tudor was banned for life from ministry in October 2024 after admitting historical sex abuse allegations relating to two girls.

In December, a BBC File on 4 investigation revealed he had been allowed to stay in post even though senior clergy, including current interim Church leader Archbishop Stephen Cottrell, had been aware of serious safeguarding concerns about him.

The Church's Safeguarding Practice Review (SPR) will not reinvestigate the case against Tudor, but will examine how the Church handled allegations and "how it responded to victims and survivors."

Tudor worked for the Church of England for more than 46 years, in London, Surrey and Essex, rising from curate to honorary canon.

The BBC revealed Tudor had stood trial twice in 1988, in both cases accused of indecent assault against girls under the age of 16.

In the first trial, he was acquitted but had admitted to having sex with one girl when she was 16.

In the other case, he was convicted of indecent assault against three girls, and served a six-month sentence, but the conviction was quashed on the basis that the judge had misdirected the jury.

After serving a five-year suspension, he returned to ministry in the 1990s and was appointed team vicar of Canvey Island, in Essex, in 1997 and team rector in 2000.

Tudor was later suspended in 2005 by the Diocese of Chelmsford after a complaint was made about his conduct relating to a time prior to his ordination in the 1970s.

The BBC is aware of at least seven alleged victims of Tudor's, one of whom received six-figure compensation from the Church in 2019.

Sue Williams, a former commander in the Met Police, has been appointed as an independent reviewer by the Church.

She will be working with an advisory group made up of safeguarding professionals, who will also use the input of victims, the Church said.

Ms Williams will be assisted by former senior police officer Richard Norfolk.

If serious safeguarding concerns relating to the practice of others are highlighted in the review, "appropriate action" will be taken, the Church added.

In February, the General Synod - the Church's governing body - rejected a proposal that would have made safeguarding fully independent, which proponents say would increase accountability but critics say would delay reform.

The review comes at a time of turmoil in the Church of England, following a damning report into how it covered up prolific abuse by the barrister John Smyth.

The report found Smyth had attacked more than 100 boys and young men in the UK and Africa over decades. He never faced justice in the UK or abroad before dying aged 77 in 2018.

The report led to the resignation of the Church's most senior figure, the Archbishop of Canterbury Justin Welby, who stood down last year.

In his first interview since quitting, Justin Welby told the BBC that he forgave the serial abuser, but said it was more important for victims to be "cared for... liberated to rebuild their lives" than to speak about forgiveness.

The Archbishop of York, Stephen Cottrell, has also faced calls from alleged abuse victims to resign after the BBC's File on 4 investigation revealed he had allowed Tudor to remain in post despite knowing his past, that he had been barred from being alone with children and that he had paid thousands of pounds to an alleged sexual abuse victim.

Archbishop Cottrell says that while he "regrets" that under him David Tudor was twice reappointed to a senior role, the risks posed by the priest were regularly under review.

'The last form of protest I have': German priest prefers prison over €500 fine for climate activism

A Jesuit priest says he prefers going to prison over paying a €500 fine for participating in a climate activists' street blockade in the southern German city of Nuremberg.

The Rev. Jörg Alt started serving his nearly month-long prison sentence on Tuesday in Nuremberg.

“Today, I am starting my 25-day alternative custodial sentence in Nuremberg prison,” he said before entering the prison.

“I don’t like doing this, especially as my health is no longer the best at the age of 63. But I see no alternative, because it’s the last form of protest I have left in this specific case to draw attention to important issues (like climate change)."

In November, Alt said that "as a priest, I have no income and no bank account due to my vow of poverty and that I do not want to harm the order and my fellow brothers by paying my fine,” German news agency dpa reported.

His remarks came after a Bavarian Higher Regional Court rejected his appeal to a lower court's decision and confirmed Alt's conviction for coercion for participating in a sit-in blockade.

After the court's decision, authorities repeatedly asked Alt to pay the €500, before the fine was eventually commuted to the 25-day prison sentence.

The court ruling in November was in connection with a street blockade in August 2022, when the Jesuit priest and about 40 other activists blocked traffic in Nuremberg by gluing their hands to a street in front of the city's train station to draw attention to climate change.

'It may all be lawful, but it is unjust'

Numerous similar protests have taken place across Germany and other countries in recent years as activists try to draw attention to the urgency of tackling climate change. The public and political response to such road blockades has been mixed.

While some Germans have said they support the protesters’ cause, if not their means, activists have also faced violence from enraged motorists and calls for tough punishment from conservative politicians.

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz has sharply criticised climate activists as “ nutty” for drastic protests such as blocking streets or gluing themselves to famous paintings in museums.

Last year, activists belonging to one of the main protest groups, the Last Generation, announced that they would abandon the tactic and move on to holding what they call “disobedient assemblies.”

Alt has said that he had also decided to serve the prison sentence instead of paying the fine "in solidarity with those climate activists who are treated similarly by the administration and the judiciary - it may all be lawful, but it is unjust.”

It's not the first time, that Alt was convicted for his activism. In May 2023, a court also convicted him of coercion after he participated in a road blockade in Munich and ordered him to pay a small fine.

Religious orders ‘running rings’ around government after one makes cash offer

The Government is allowing religious bodies involved in mother and baby homes to “run rings” around it after it emerged that only one order made a “serious offer” of cash to pay redress to survivors, the Dail has heard.

Government-appointed negotiator Sheila Nunan led talks with religious bodies that were involved in mother and baby institutions.

The process was part of a bid to secure a financial contribution towards the cost of the Mother and Baby Institutions Payment Scheme.

Ms Nunan submitted her final report to the Minister for Equality Norma Foley following talks with seven Catholic bodies and the Church of Ireland.

In early 2023, former equality minister Roderic O’Gorman wrote to the religious orders asking them to contribute towards the redress scheme.

Social Democrats deputy leader Cian O’Callaghan said that “going cap in hand” to religious order was not successful.

“Nearly two years later, Ms Nunan has filed her final report stating just one order has made a serious offer of cash to pay redress,” he told the Dail on Wednesday.

“Going cap in hand to religious orders was not a successful strategy, hardly surprising, given we know these orders would much prefer to pay their armies of lawyers than the women and children that they tortured and abused.

“Religious orders that own assets worth hundreds of millions.

“Taoiseach, for decades in Ireland, unimaginable horrors were perpetrated in mother and baby homes.

“The infant mortality rate in these institutions was five times the national average, there were thousands of unexplained infant deaths, missing children and multiple mass unmarked graves.

“Women and children were subjected to incarceration, forced labour, vaccine trials and horrific physical and sexual abuse.

“Families were ripped apart, there were forced adoptions, and children were boarded out to act as indentured servants, and there’s never been any accountability for any of these crimes.

“Religious orders, who made millions on the backs of enslaving women and children are now walking away without paying a penny because your government is allowing them to run rings around you.”

He urged the Government to “flex some legal muscle”.

“It’s unbelievable that the approach of successive governments of these orders, which operated as criminal networks, is to roll over,” he added.

Taoiseach Micheal Martin, who has not yet read the report, said that the government will assess its options to pursue religious orders.

“Our view is that the orders have a collective and moral responsibility to respond to Ireland’s legacy in relation to mother and baby institutions,” the Fianna Fail leader said.

“As I said, we’ve just received a report on Monday, we will assess that report and then consider what options we can take from the law, obviously, in terms of pursuing religious orders in respect of the mother and baby institutions.

“We will see what’s the most effective way to get a contribution from the religious orders, and we see what options are available.”

€2.75m advertising campaign promotes Mother and Baby Home redress scheme to Irish diaspora

The Government is spending €2.75m to promote the Mother and Baby Homes redress scheme in countries that have a significant Irish diaspora.

The five-year campaign involves print, radio, billboard, and online advertisements running in Ireland, Britain, the United States, Canada, and Australia.

The first two phases of the campaign have been completed as of December 2024 and the spend to date is €1.8m.

Just over €60,000 was spent running print advertisements in the US including publications such as the New York Times, Boston Irish magazine and the Irish Echo.

Almost €16,000 was spent on online promoted posts in Australia, while Canada saw over €26,000 spent on press including the Toronto Sun, Toronto Star, Montreal Gazette and the Vancouver Sun.

The second phase which ran over three months to the end of 2024 saw a particular focus on improving the reach to potential applicants in Britain.

There have been visits to meet British groups that are supporting applicants living there and there were posters advertising information on all London bus routes and tube lines.

The Government has reported very positive engagement between the Department of Children and the Department of Work and Pensions in Britain in terms of the treatment of awards from the scheme in means tests for benefits in Britain.

Earlier this month, British Labour MP Liam Conlon moved 'Philomena's Law', named after survivor and campaigner Philomena Lee, which would protect thousands of women living in Britain from losing access to benefits if they accept the compensation.

In Ireland, the campaign has featured on national, regional and local radio stations; 70 inserts across national, regional and local newspapers; online advertising and a poster campaign in post offices, community centres, and libraries.

A deliberate approach was taken to utilise both traditional and social media in order to ensure the widest range of people would be reached.

The online campaign consisted of targeted social media ads as well as ads on websites that target the Irish diaspora and a paid search campaign. 

The search campaign ran across all markets and reached those who searched for specific terms related to the payment scheme.

From previous redress schemes, it is known that significant number of applications are made near to their closing dates so it is hoped this campaign will encourage people to apply earlier.

The payment scheme opened to applicants on 20 March 2024 and over 6,300 applications have been received to date with over 4,200 payments have either been processed, completed or in the process of being made.

Over 80% of applicants have received notices containing an offer of benefits under the scheme with the value of payments so far at almost €64m.

There are three benefits available under the scheme: a general payment, a work-related payment, and health supports. 

So far, almost 2,250 applicants have qualified for the health benefits.

It is estimated a total of 34,000 survivors are eligible for the biggest redress scheme in the State's history with payments ranging from €5,000 to €125,000.

Just one religious order has made ‘serious offer’ of cash redress to mother-and-baby home survivors

Only one religious order involved in mother-and-baby homes has made a “serious offer” of cash to pay redress to survivors, the Government has been told after years of talks.

Government negotiator Sheila Nunan has submitted a final report to Minister for Equality Norma Foley setting out conclusions from talks with seven Catholic bodies and the Church of Ireland.

A previous offer of a financial contribution from the Sisters of Bon Secours still stands, it is understood.

However, people briefed on the report and the stance of other church bodies said they suggested little or nothing by way of firm cash offers. 

Although one order suggested it might be open to transferring a school property to the State, the Government had asked for money. Whether other orders offered property remains unclear.

Ms Nunan had engagements with the Daughters of Charity of St Vincent de Paul; Sisters of the Sacred Heart of Jesus and Mary; Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd; the Sisters of Mercy; the Sisters of St John of God; and the Legion of Mary, a lay organisation.

In connection with Protestant-run homes, she also spoke with the Church of Ireland. “We’re not making an offer,” said a Church of Ireland spokesman, adding that it continues to offer pastoral care to former residents.

The Church of Ireland position is that it “did not found, own or manage any of the homes” that featured in the October 2020 report of the commission of investigation into the affair. 

Still, critics have argued Church of Ireland clergy were involved in managing homes, fundraising and arranging places for unmarried pregnant women and teenagers.

Ms Nunan took on the negotiation in May 2023 at a rate of €377 per day and worked with instructions to recommend a “best and final offer” from religious orders within six months.

She was hired by former minister Roderic O’Gorman, now Green leader, after he failed to land a deal with religious institutions for a financial contribution to the €800 million State redress scheme for survivors.

Accountants EY carried out a financial assessment for Ms Nunan of each order’s resources.

In a Tuesday email, Ms Foley told survivors she had “just received” the report. “Be assured, I am committed to making the necessary arrangements so that you will receive this report prior to publication,” she said.

Ms Nunan separately told the orders her work was complete, saying her email would no longer function and any further dealings would be with Ms Foley’s department.

The end of talks comes 10 years after the commission was established in February 2015 to examine harm caused to tens of thousands of women and children at 14 mother-and-baby homes and four county homes. 

The inquiry covered the decades between 1922 and 1998.

Tuesday, April 01, 2025

Taoiseach says he will meet with victims of disgraced surgeon Micheal Shine after long campaign

TAOISEACH MICHEÁL MARTIN has confirmed that he will meet with victims of paedophile Michael Shine.

The Taoiseach’s commitment follows a sustained campaign for a public inquiry by the men sexually abused by Shine.

The Taoiseach told the Dail this afternoon that he would sit down with Shine’s victims and representatives of the advocacy organisation Dignity4Patients, but he stopped short of “making any commitments in advance of meeting with the group”.

Over 360 men have reported being sexually abused by the now-disgraced doctor during his time at Our Lady of Lourdes Hospital in Drogheda and his private practice in the Louth town.

Shine, once a respected surgeon, began working as a senior registrar in 1964, quickly rising to consultant in 1968. He remained at the hospital until 1995.

Victims allege that the Medical Missionaries of Mary were aware of the abuse and allowed it to continue for decades.

Taoiseach Micheal Martin told the Dail this afternoon: “I am meeting with the group [Dignity4Patients] and I pay tribute to the group for its work and its advocacy and I will engage with the group.

“I am not making any commitments in advance of meeting with the group.

“I will work to see what’s the best way and what’s the best method of getting truth in a timely manner, because I am also conscious that in the past people may not have been entirely satisfied with the outcomes of other types of inquiries.”

In 2009, retired High Court judge, T.C. Smyth was appointed to lead an independent review of the case, but the report was sealed and never published.

The Taoiseach was responding to TD Joanna Byrne who asked if the government would commit to establishing a public inquiry.

The Drogheda Sinn Féin TD told the Dáil that Shine’s victims had been forced to go to Leinster House and “relive their trauma to elevate their campaign for a Commission of Investigation”.

Deputy Byrne added that “with truth comes healing”.

Today victims Cianan Murray, Larry Torris, Gerard Murray, Ian Russell and Peter O’Connor made an audiovisual presentation to politicians in Leinster House.

During the presentation, which was organised by Deputy Byrne, the men held framed photographs of them as children.

Speaking to The Journal afterwards, Ian Russell said: “It was very emotional. I think the room read that.”

Group of victims of paedophile former surgeon Michael Shine speak out for the first time

“It’s a horrible thing to go through. But we will shout it from the rooftops if we need to.”

“One thing we are not is silent. We will not be silent.”

CEO of Dignity4Patients Adrienne Reilly said that she was satisfied with proceedings in the Dáil and looking forward to a more in-depth discussion with the Taoiseach when they meet later this month.

Shine’s name has long been associated with legal battles about the many allegations against him.

He was first accused of abuse by a whistleblower in 1995 and charged with indecent assault in 1996. His legal tactics delayed any trial relating to those charges from starting until 2003. He was then acquitted.

Two more trials, in 2017 and 2019, saw him found guilty of assaults against nine boys.

More charges led to another protracted legal saga, culminating in the Court of Appeal ruling that “cumulative factors” – including Shine’s age and health, and a ‘misstep’ by the Director of Public Prosecutions – meant the case was in a “wholly exceptional category where it would be unjust to put the appellant on trial”.

Catholic Spain no longer exists, says country’s top archbishop

Spain’s rampant secularisation means that the time has ended when a Spaniard could link the country with a Catholic identity.

Archbishop Luis Argüello, the president of the Spanish Bishops’ Conference – CEE, by its Spanish acronym – made the observations when opening the conference’s 127th plenary assembly this week with a deep analysis of the country’s turn away from Catholicism toward secular liberalism, reports the Catholic News Agency (CNA).

“The time has passed, settled for centuries, when we said: I’m Catholic because I was born in Spain,” Argüello said, noting that the Church can no longer take for granted that Spanish people are converted or initiated into the Catholic faith in the society of today.

During his talk, the archbishop of Valladolid also highlighted the worrying situation indicated by baptismal fonts: that while there are 23,000 baptismal fonts distributed over the country’s 22,921 parishes, many of them “have no water” due to lack of Christian community that can “help the Holy Spirit engender new Christians”.

He also noted that in more populated areas there is “a very weak awareness of the responsibility entailed in having a baptismal font”.

The situation represents a “large, quantitative and qualitative challenge” that requires discernment, he urged, especially considering that in numerous rural parishes it is no longer possible to celebrate the Sunday Eucharist, while in large cities there is a remarkable contrast of schedules and celebrations based on each neighbourhood.

Argüello also warned that another implication of the secularising shift could impact the social and charitable work of Catholic organisations.

“Today we run the risk that our organisations, so dependent on the welfare state, its rules, and subsidies for the third sector [encompassing nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and nonprofits], might offer in a weak way the novelty of Christian love and could be easily confused with a very bureaucratic NGO,” the archbishop said.

Spain recently topped the list from among European countries for adults leaving their childhood religion. 

On 26 March, the Pew Research Center published “Around the World, Many People Are Leaving Their Childhood Religions”. The reports looked at countries across East Asia, Europe and the Americas.

Western countries dominate the places where people who were raised Christian now describe themselves as religiously disaffiliated. Most who left Christianity are religiously disaffiliated, opposed to joining another religion.

Spain has experienced the greatest haemorrhaging in Europe, with 35 per cent of adults who said they were raised Christian now describing themselves as religiously disaffiliated. 

Other countries near the top of the list for adults who have shifted from Christian to being disaffiliated, are Sweden and Germany (both 29 per cent), the Netherlands (28 per cent), and Canada and the United Kingdom (26 per cent).

Monday, March 31, 2025

Cardinal Cipriani: Peruvian bishops must rectify ‘false’ statement on abuse accusations

Beleaguered Cardinal Juan Cipriani has publicly clashed with the bishops’ conference of Peru, asking bishops to rectify a January statement that says abuse allegations against the cardinal are “verified.”

In an open letter last week, the cardinal insisted that it was a “lie” and a “grave mistake” for the country’s bishops’ conference to say his resignation as Lima’s archbishop was connected to the abuse allegations he’s facing at the Vatican.

Cipriani issued a letter to all the bishops of Peru on March 28, tracking issue with a January conference statement which addressed accusations of sexual abuse against him and his 2019 departure from office.

The cardinal said last week he written privately to the bishops’ conference leadership in January, immediately after their public statement.

But Cipriani’s March letter explained he had “waited two months since [his] last letter for a rectification [and] that has not happened” — prompting him to write to the entire national episcopate.

In his March 28 letter to all members of the Peruvian bishops’ conference, Cardinal Cipriani said that several points of the bishops’ Jan. 28 statement about him were false.

The conference letter said that “disciplinary measures were imposed” against Cipriani after “verifying the truthfulness of the facts” concerning allegations of sexual abuse against the cardinal, and added that the pope had “accepted the archbishop emeritus of Lima’s resignation of his episcopal ministry after his 75th birthday and imposed some limitations on his ministry.”

Cipriani demanded the conference make a public rectification, and said the allegations against him had never been investigated, and that he had never been allowed to defend himself in a canonical process.

“Two months have passed since the publication of the statement by the [Peruvian bishops’ conference] that falsely stated that ‘some disciplinary measures were imposed [against me] after verifying the truthfulness of the facts.’ This claim is false… therefore, I write to all the bishops to invite them to rectify,” Cipriani said in his letter.

“It’s untrue that anything has been proven, because there has been no trial, nor any evidence has been presented, nor has there been a defense, or witness, or anything,” he added.

Spanish outlet El País reported on Jan. 25 that Cipriani was the subject of a Vatican-imposed penal precept restricting his ministry following accusations in Peru of sexual abuse against the cardinal dating back to the early 1980s, first made in 2018.

Cipriani, ordained a priest in 1977 and a member of Opus Dei, served as Archbishop of Lima from 1999 until 2019.

Cipriani originally claimed on a Jan. 25 statement that the precept was imposed only verbally on December 2019, but on Jan. 29 he admitted that he did receive — and sign — written notice of a penal precept which imposed formal restrictions on his public ministry and living arrangements in 2019, shortly after his resignation was accepted at the age of 75.

However, Cipriani still claims that the pope verbally lifted the restrictions on his ministry on a Feb. 4, 2020 private audience that was not recorded on the Vatican’s daily bulletin.

Cipriani has previously said that his freedom to continue in public ministry was obvious, and that he had engaged in “extensive pastoral activity” in the years after his 2020 papal audience, including “preaching spiritual retreats, administering sacraments, etc.”

There is considerable evidence of Ciprini’s ongoing public ministry after 2019.

An Aug. 6, 2021, post on the website of Spain’s Torreciudad shrine records that Cipriani visited the pilgrimage site, holding “some meetings with young people who are taking part in summer retreats.”

The cardinal celebrated a Mass for Seville’s Macarena Brotherhood on May 31, 2022.

The Archdiocese of Madrid’s website contains two notices referring to Masses celebrated by Cipriani, on June 26, 2023, and Oct. 15, 2023.

For its part, the Vatican press office has denied that the precept had been lifted by Pope Francis, either formally or informally, though it did acknowledge that “specific permissions have been granted on certain occasions to accommodate requests related to the cardinal’s age and family circumstances.”

In his March letter, Cipriani denied that the imposition of the precept meant the allegations against him had been proven.

“The decree issued by the [then] Congregation of the Doctrine of the Faith… mentions there is a fumus delicti, meaning there is a possible suspicion [of a crime] that has not been proven, because they had not been subject to a trial that provides me with the due right to defense,” Cipriani says in his letter.

“As I said before, and I say again, I accepted the restrictions imposed against me reservedly in the precept for the good of the Church, leaving a written record that these accusations against me were false, waiting for the occasion to be able to defend myself, something that has not happened.”

Cipriani also asked the conference to rescind its claim that his resignation was linked to the allegation against him.

“As it is public knowledge, canon law obliges all bishops to resign when they turn 75 years of age… The resignation does not imply or mean that the bishop ‘leaves the episcopal ministry,’ as the statement says, but becomes a bishop emeritus, yet [still] fully a bishop.”

“I waited two months since my last letter for a rectification that has not happened. This is why I have decided to make public to all the members of the bishops’ conference… and not only to the three members of the [conference] presidency who signed the statement.”

Cipriani said the conference’s January statement had “caused grave damage not only against the honor of a cardinal, but to the faithful [they] are pastors of, after affirming a lie.”

Cipriani’s case is the latest in a series of international scandals involving accusations against senior clerics and limited sanctions imposed by the Holy See.

In the wake of the 2018 scandal surrounding former cardinal Theodore McCarrick, it emerged that the Apostolic nuncio to the United States had issued similar preceptive restrictions on the retired former Archbishop of Washington, with similar claims being made that Pope Francis had then informally lifted them.

In 2022, Cardinal Jean-Pierre Ricard, a former president of the French bishops’ conference, admitted to behaving “in a reprehensible way” toward a minor girl when he was a pastor in the Archdiocese of Marseille in the late 1980s.

Ricard was at the time a member of the Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith, which oversees cases of clerical abuse of minors, as well as serving on the Dicasteries for Divine Worship and for Christian Unity, in all of which he continued to serve for several months, despite the Vatican reportedly imposing a ban on his public ministry.

Despite admitting to abusing a minor, Ricard remains a cardinal and was eligible to vote in a future conclave until he turned 80 in 2024.

Last week, the prefect of the Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith, Cardinal Víctor Manuel Fernández, told journalists that his department was in the process of trying to appoint judges to preside over the trial of Fr. Marko Rupnik, who is accused of sexual and spiritually abusing dozens of religious sisters over decades.

The current process against Rupnik was only allowed to begin when Pope Francis waived the canonical statute of limitations covering several of his alleged crimes in the face of public outcry.

After an earlier penal process opened by the Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith in 2019, however, Rupnik was excommunicated in a secret decision, without the penalty being publicly declared, allowing the priest to continue in public ministry and to serve as a senior consultor to Vatican dicasteries.